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Once Xi perfects this system in Xinjiang, no technological limitations will prevent him from extending AI surveillance across China. In a sophisticated digital system of social control, codes like these could be used to score a person’s perceived political pliancy as well.Ī crude version of such a system is already in operation in China’s northwestern territory of Xinjiang, where more than 1 million Muslim Uighurs have been imprisoned, the largest internment of an ethnic-religious minority since the fall of the Third Reich. An algorithm assigned people a color code-green, yellow, or red-that determined their ability to take transit or enter buildings in China’s megacities. Xi wants to use artificial intelligence to build a digital system of social control, patrolled by precog algorithms that identify dissenters in real time.Įarly in the coronavirus outbreak, China’s citizens were subjected to a form of risk scoring. China’s government could soon achieve an unprecedented political stranglehold on more than 1 billion people. In time, algorithms will be able to string together data points from a broad range of sources-travel records, friends and associates, reading habits, purchases-to predict political resistance before it happens.

In the near future, every person who enters a public space could be identified, instantly, by AI matching them to an ocean of personal data, including their every text communication, and their body’s one-of-a-kind protein-construction schema. Much of the footage collected by China’s cameras is parsed by algorithms for security threats of one kind or another.
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Xi’s government hopes to soon achieve full video coverage of key public areas. Any emergency data-sharing arrangements made behind closed doors during the pandemic could become permanent.Ĭhina already has hundreds of millions of surveillance cameras in place. During China’s coronavirus outbreak, Xi’s government leaned hard on private companies in possession of sensitive personal data. In the run-up to the 2008 Olympics in Beijing, Chinese security services achieved a new level of control over the country’s internet. He wants to build an all-seeing digital system of social control, patrolled by precog algorithms that identify potential dissenters in real time.Ĭhina’s government has a history of using major historical events to introduce and embed surveillance measures. But Xi also wants to use AI’s awesome analytical powers to push China to the cutting edge of surveillance. Artificial intelligence has applications in nearly every human domain, from the instant translation of spoken language to early viral-outbreak detection. Xi’s pronouncements on AI have a sinister edge. And he wants China to achieve AI supremacy by 2030. Xi has said that he wants China, by year’s end, to be competitive with the world’s AI leaders, a benchmark the country has arguably already reached. Kennedy used to train America’s techno-scientific sights on the moon.
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Its work is part of a grand AI strategy that Xi has laid out in a series of speeches akin to those John F.

China’s current president and the general secretary of its Communist Party has taken a keen interest in the institute. The lobby’s most prominent poster depicted Xi Jinping in a crisp black suit. Next to him was a fuzzy black-and-white shot of Deng Xiaoping visiting the institute in his later years, after his economic reforms had set China on a course to reclaim its traditional global role as a great power. He looked serene, as though satisfied with having freed China from the Western yoke. Mao Zedong loomed large in his characteristic four-pocket suit. On its walls were posters of China’s most consequential postwar leaders. In 2019, Belgian officials on a trade mission noticed that their mobile data were being intercepted by pop-up antennae outside their Beijing hotel.Īfter clearing the institute’s security, I was told to wait in a lobby monitored by cameras. To visit China on sensitive business is to risk being barraged with cyberattacks and malware.
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In my pocket, I had a burner phone in my backpack, a computer wiped free of data-standard precautions for Western journalists in China. China’s best and brightest were still shuffling in post-commute, dressed casually in basketball shorts or yoga pants, AirPods nestled in their ears. I visited the institute on a rainy morning in the summer of 2019. To hear more feature stories, get the Audm iPhone app.
